Gender is ultimately about power dynamics, identities, possibilities and vulnerabilities across societies. All of these have an immense bearing both on violent conflict and peacebuilding, and only a comprehensive, nuanced gender analysis can help us better understand them. Current approaches often ignore the variations and hierarchies within and across women and men, as well as those who do not subscribe to these binary identities.
These hierarchies are produced by the interaction of gender with other identity factors such as age, social class, geographical location, sexuality or marital status. The wife of a rural leader may have more access to resources and justice than an urban young male motorbike taxi driver. Narrow approaches to women as a homogenous group, often portrayed as powerless victims, fail to address the complexities of roles played by, the varying needs and above all the agency of different women both in conflict and in peacebuilding.
When men are brought into the picture, this tends to be mainly as perpetrators of violence against, or wielders of patriarchal power over women. This can lead to a backlash if underlying gender relations are not taken into account. For example, the targeting of economic and livelihood support to displaced women has often been followed by an increase in domestic violence against them, as men seek to reassert their authority. Furthermore, the particular needs, vulnerabilities and agencies of sexual and gender minorities in peacebuilding processes are rarely taken into account.
Moreover, it is important to raise the questions of masculinities and femininities in other fields, not least in the peace and security sector itself. A reflective look on militarised masculinities and femininities among peacekeeping forces, gendered power dynamics among civilian personnel including INGOs, as well as broader entrenched gender norms in the sector needs to be taken.
They may also lead to other forms of violence and militarisation being tacitly disregarded. It has not, however, resulted in the integration of a gender perspective in peace and security efforts — despite explicit calls for this in UNSCR The WPS framework has also not led to a more substantial shift in how the international community approaches peace and security more broadly. This has undermined the transformative potential of the WPS agenda, namely to change the way we approach peace and security to be more inclusive.
Recommendations for the Global Study on Women, Peace and Security We recommend that the study should consider and integrate the following priorities for donors, agencies, NGOs and policymakers: Conduct analysis that explores how gender and other power hierarchies are re produced in specific contexts.
We moved your item s to Saved for Later. There was a problem with saving your item s for later. You can go to cart and save for later there. Setting the Agenda for Global Peace - eBook. Average rating: 0 out of 5 stars, based on 0 reviews Write a review. Tell us if something is incorrect. Book Format: Choose an option. Product Highlights Anna Snyder provides a detailed account of the challenges women representatives in non-governmental organizations NGOs faced in building bridges across diverse ethnic, racial, national, regional, and ideological backgrounds at the 4th United Nations UN Conference on Women.
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This book traces the p. About This Item We aim to show you accurate product information. Manufacturers, suppliers and others provide what you see here, and we have not verified it. See our disclaimer. Customer Reviews. Write a review. In the post-conflict period, policymakers should recognize that land issues that contributed to conflict might have been transformed by events.
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War may have changed alliances and even the local social landscape. Traditional authorities with one set of land values may now share power with younger leaders who emerged that have different priorities concerning land.
In the post-conflict government itself, the parties in power may view land issues differently than they did before when they were in opposition or differently from former government officials. In addition, new land issues will have emerged. Violent conflict, whether episodic or prolonged, usually causes significant changes to land tenure and its administration. In times of conflict people may be indiscriminately or forcibly removed from their land, often without fair compensation or due process, or they may abandon their land because of fear of violence.
Upon return sometimes after weeks, months, or years of displacement , former owners often find others occupying their property and utilizing their land. The process of displacement and return due to violence or the threat of violence can be cyclical and often results in multiple claims to the same parcel of land. Competing claims can then spawn conflict due to weak, biased, or nonexistent enforcement of land tenure regimes, whether customary or statutory. Displaced and marginalized populations, especially in a post-crisis context, are then forced to compete among themselves or with newly settled groups for access to land and productive assets for survival.
Today, donor-funded programs of systematic land registration are usually justified on an economic growth rationale. Today, Rwanda is using this tool to regularize existing holdings after conflict and restitution Bruce, The impacts are still too early to assess in Rwanda. This is due to their already weak status in society and their more limited bundle of rights to property.
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Women often gain access to land and property through natal and marital affiliations. When this is severed due to the departure or death of the male head of household, women find themselves more vulnerable to having their land taken away by male heirs or other more powerful community members Giovarelli and Wamalwa, Land records and survey equipment—even buildings—may have been destroyed and technical competence of staff reduced by flight abroad and lack of training. Reconstructing and revitalizing the land governance and land administration system is a major challenge UN Habitat, Some post-conflict governments come to power and quickly launch land programs, but more often they are preoccupied by political survival tasks such as feeding and accommodating combatants and developing revenue streams.
These necessities push action on land matters further down a crowded agenda. In the early days after the violence ends, assistance by humanitarian agencies tends to focus on urgent needs for food and shelter. These agencies have understandably tended to prioritize shelter issues, and with respect to land, to be preoccupied with land restitution.
Insofar as they grapple with a broader range of land issues, their protection programs for returnees tend to lead them to support short-term measures to reduce tensions, such as alternative land dispute resolution. Mistakes have often been made and some efforts are failing.
Returning refugees have been resettled on sites whose ownership is unclear or on terms that are unclear. This is shortsighted. The humanitarian agencies have recently made serious efforts to improve their understanding of land issues and how these issues should be integrated into post-conflict programming, but they lack a strong capacity to support to governments in this area UN Habitat, What can those seeking to effectively minimize future land conflict do in the post-conflict context?
Early and significant investments need to be made to rebuild the capacity of the land governance and administration entities before ambitious programs are undertaken. In the immediate post-conflict period, humanitarian agencies, donors, and governments can:. In a number of post-conflict countries, the government has established a National Land Commission to address fundamental land tenure issues. In the post-conflict context, there is often more openness to reform because vested interests are disorganized and there is a sense of urgency to avoid a return to conflict.
In Liberia, an independent National Land Commission established under the Constitution by the legislature is developing both interim measures and long- term programs. But in Sudan, delays by the national government in creating the National Land Commission envisaged in the peace agreements have largely squandered the opportunity of such a commission to contribute to resolution of land issues dividing the north and south.
Skip to content. Introduction: Land and Conflict Land so pervasively underpins human activity that it usually plays some role during war and civil violence. BOX A. Understanding Land-Related Conflict: Vulnerabilities and Triggers To address land-related conflict, it is essential to correctly identify the roles played by land in the conflict.
BOX B. Land scarcity. Due to legal constraints on access, skewed distribution among users, or an absolute shortage of land in relation to demand, scarcity can leave many with little or no land and create intense competition for land. It can be influenced by demographic shifts and factors such as climate change and can be either national or local. Resentment and economic hardship related to land scarcity in Rwanda are often cited as contributing factors to the genocide.
Insecurity of tenure. When land users fear that they may be forced off their land, insecurity of tenure can create a response that, in combination with the threat of eviction, can generate conflict. Fear of loss of land and livelihoods is a potentially powerful political mobilizing factor, as when tenant evictions in south-central Ethiopia sparked the revolution that overthrew the monarchy. The lure of valuable resources. When valuable resources are discovered or when the demand for existing resources rises so they become newly valuable , people are motivated to exert control over, and benefit from the sale of, these assets.
When land and resource rights are clear and enforceable, this motivation leads to exploration, use, and sale through ordinary market processes. However, when resources are located in areas with conflicting tenure regimes or when local people have insecure tenure over valuable assets, predatory actors public and private sector often struggle for control of these assets.
This is the case in the East Kivu region of the Democratic Republic of Congo where conflicts over land and minerals are widespread. Historical grievance.
Most often rooted in earlier displacements and land takings, historical grievance can generate a demand for redress that can fuel conflict. After , in Zimbabwe, earlier colonial land takings and the resentment these engendered sparked widespread land occupations. Post-conflict situations are often rife with grievances based on displacements of some communities during the conflict. Normative dissonance. There may be normative dissonance where coexisting bodies of law of different origins are poorly harmonized and are used as tools by parties in contention over land in that context.
The failure of successive Liberian governments to recognize customary land rights was an important factor that contributed to the overthrow of the civilian government by the military in This issue remains divisive in Liberia on customary land claims and their appropriate treatment; see Freudenberger and Miller, BOX C. The Global Land Rush as a Source of Conflict The last decade has seen a dramatic increase in the global demand for land, driven by growing demand for agricultural products, biofuels, carbon sequestration, and conservation uses.
BOX D. Managing Conflict: Before, During and After War and Civil Violence Conflicts over land develop prior to war, continue through war, and often reemerge to threaten peace building in the post-conflict period.
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Before Conflict Turns Violent Competition over land, at some level, is normal. BOX E. BOX F. If opportunities for such programs are limited or if the programs are unlikely to be effective soon enough to prevent conflict from escalating, governments can take steps to reduce tensions or slow their escalation: Improve land governance. Corruption, malfeasance, and lack of capacity in public land management and land administration exacerbate and heighten tensions over land. Reforming these processes can lower tensions and buy time.
Concrete reforms for governments to enact include developing clear and widely publicized service standards and fee structures; decentralizing land administration services; improving transparency in all stages of land programs; prosecuting proven cases of corruption; eliminating practices that discriminate between different groups in competition for land including discriminatory staffing in the land agency ; and instituting mechanisms such as complaint lines and an ombudsman. BOX G.
Improve land dispute resolution. Land disputes can trigger more serious conflict, and their expeditious resolution can ease tensions. The combination of poor records of land rights and cumbersome court procedures often delays resolution, allowing disputes to fester, resulting in major backlogs of land disputes in the courts.
Measures that can help include reinforcing traditional dispute resolution mechanisms; upgrading capacity in local courts; simplifying court procedures by allowing for plain language submissions or submissions in local languages; adopting paralegal and legal aid programs see Box F targeted toward land and natural resource rights; and providing other, non-court modes of land dispute resolution—for example mobilizing nongovernmental and civil society organizations NGOs and CSOs to mediate land disputes see Box G.
Empower communities, particularly the poor and marginalized, to pursue their land rights. Those seeking justice often lack an understanding of how best to pursue it. Programs that can empower them include public education on land law and administrative procedures, training of community-level paralegals to act as a bridge to the formal legal system, creation of fora in which aggrieved communities can voice their concerns, and support for responsible leadership as opposed to conflict entrepreneurs in those communities.
During Violent Conflict Once violence spreads and escalates, options for government action are far more limited.
BOX H. After Violent Conflict Post-conflict countries often grapple with unresolved and continuing tensions over land. BOX I. In the immediate post-conflict period, humanitarian agencies, donors, and governments can: Carry out rapid tenure appraisals.